“We must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex.”[1]

“Once weapons were manufactured to fight war. Now wars are manufactured to sell weapons.”[2]

On the morning of February 28, 2026, as American and Israeli warplanes began their first waves of strikes against Iran, a combat-unit commander of the most powerful military in human history opened his briefing by informing his non-commissioned officers thatPresident Donald Trumphad been “anointed by Jesus to light the signal fire in Iran to cause Armageddon and mark his return to Earth.”[3]

The statement was not improvised. It was delivered, according to the formal complaint filed with the Military Religious Freedom Foundation (MRFF)[4], with instructions that officers relay this interpretation to their troops.

Within 72 hours, the MRFF had received more than 200 similar complaints from service members across every branch of the US military and more than 50 installations. Their accounts describe what one soldier called an atmosphere of “unrestricted euphoria” among commanders convinced they were not fighting a war but fulfilling the Book of Revelation.

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I have been warning about this state of affairs for years. In “The Monstrosity of Our Century:

The War on Palestine and the Last Western Man,”I documented how Western governments—and in particular the United States—had allowed religious extremism to migrate from the margins of evangelical subculture into the architecture of foreign policy, sustaining and financing a conflict in Palestine that the International Court of Justice itself qualified as a “plausible genocide,” while providing the ideological vocabulary to render atrocity acceptable, even necessary. What is happening today in Iran is not a departure from that logic. It is its consummation.

The war that began on February 28, 2026, is unlike anything the region has seen since the American invasion of Iraq in 2003—and it is unlike that invasion in one decisive respect: for the first time, the theological framework that drives it is not merely ambient but operational, not merely present in the rhetoric of political leaders but embedded in the command culture of the military itself.[5] We are no longer dealing with a conflict in which religion provides convenient justification after the fact. We are dealing with a conflict that was, in significant measure, theologically desired, theologically prepared, and theologically conducted. To understand this war without confronting that fact is to understand nothing essential about it.[6]

Source: Global Research