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Growing old is unavoidable. Growing old while struggling to pay the heating bill, skipping meals to save money, or worrying about a landlord raising the rent adds yet another stressful dimension to late adulthood. A large new study tracking more than 15,000 older adults in England over nearly 15 years has found that everyday financial and social pressures are tied to greater physical decline in ways that outperform income or education alone as predictors of how fast people age.
Researchers developed what they call a “Later Life Precarity Index,” a scorecard of the various risks and insecurities that pile up as people get older. It covers everything from unstable finances and lack of a pension to poor housing conditions and the burden of caring for a sick loved one without pay. When they tested this scorecard against a well-established measure of physicalfrailty, the results were dramatic. People with substantially higher precarity scores had frailty scores roughly comparable to the average increase seen in women between ages 50 and 80. Put simply, accumulating enough social and financial risk factors could correspond to decades’ worth of additional physical wear.
On top of that, the precarity index did a far better job of explaining differences in frailty among older adults than the measures researchers have traditionally relied on, namely wealth and education. It also appeared to account for a large share of the gap between how quickly men and womenphysically decline, raising the possibility that women’s greater exposure to insecure circumstances in later life may help explain that gap, though the study did not formally prove that pathway.
Published in the journalAgeing and Society, the study drew on data from the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing, a nationally representative panel of more than 15,700 adults aged 50 and older in England, tracked across roughly 15 years of follow-up surveys.
Frailty was scored using an established checklist of dozens of health markers covering physical function, memory and thinking, chronic conditions, and psychological health. On the social side, researchers tested a wide range of potential risk factors spanning finances, pensions, employment, housing, relationships, and unpaidcaregiving, then kept only those with a clear link to worse frailty. The final list went well beyond income and savings to include whether someone skipped meals due to lack of money, spent more than 10 percent of their income on energy costs, rented rather than owned a home, or had ever experienced homelessness. Being widowed or living alone also made the cut, as did providing intensive unpaid care for a relative or friend.
When all 21 risk factors were analyzed together, many held up independently, meaning each one carried its own separate connection to worse frailty even after accounting for all the others. Housing-related risks stood out as especially powerful. Renting, living in a home with multiple problems, and having experienced homelessness were all tied to substantially worse physical decline. Food insecurity and fuel poverty, the term for spending a disproportionate share of income on energy, also showed strong independent links to frailty.
Employment told a different story. Having ever been unemployed or experienced job loss were each linked to worse frailty when tested on their own, but those effects disappeared once all the other risks were factored in at the same time. Any damage from job loss may flow through other channels, such as financial hardship orhousing instability, rather than operating on its own.
Unpaid caregiving produced a more layered picture. People who had provided relatively small amounts of care actually showed less frailty than those who had never been caregivers. Researchers offered a few possible explanations: people in poor health may never have been able to take on a caregiving role to begin with, and modest caregiving may provide social connection and a sense of purpose that benefits health. At higher levels, however, caregiving became linked to worse frailty in adjusted models.
After combining all the relevant risks into a single index, the team tracked how changes in that index over time related to changes in frailty within the same person, a stronger test than a simple one-time snapshot. People with higher precarity scores were substantially frailer than those with lower scores. And when an individual’s own circumstances worsened over time, their frailty worsened too, beyond what would be expected from simplygetting older.In terms of explaining differences in frailty between people, the precarity model accounted for 39.3 percent of the variation, compared to just 22.8 percent for a model using only wealth and education.
Source: Drudge Report